名人英语演讲稿经典

由keditxin 分享时间：2023-08-06 04:31:08 收藏本文

名人英语演讲稿经典

【简介】感谢网友“keditxin”参与投稿，以下是小编精心整理的名人英语演讲稿经典（共15篇），仅供参考，希望能够帮助到大家。

篇1：名人英语演讲稿

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land ― a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America ― they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted ― for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things ― some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions ― that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act ― not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions ― who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them ― that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works ― whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account ― to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day ― because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control ― and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart ― not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our founding fathers ... our found fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort ― even greater cooperation and un

篇2：简短名人英语演讲稿

ChangeTheIngredientsOfYourLife

Thisisaglassofwater,tasteless,right?Howeverifyouaddsugar,itwilltastesweet,butifyouaddvinegar,itwillbecomebitter.Thesameistruewithourlife____theflavoriscreatedbyourchoices.Ifkindnessisaddedtoastrangeyouwillhaveafriend;butifhostilityisadded,youwillhaveanenemy.Ifloveisaddedtoapileofredbricksyouwillhaveahome,butifhatredisaddtothosebricks,youwillhaveanconcentrationcamp.

Somydearfriends,nevercomplainthatlifeisboringandtheworldisdisappointing.Ifdon’tlikethetasteofyourlife,changetheingredients.

Threeyearago,Iweighedmorethan100hundred

kilogramswhichcausedsignificantembarrassmentandfrustrationinmylife.LikealwaysfailingmyP.Eexaminations,likealwaysbeinglaughedatbygirls,likebeingterrifiedtospeakinpublic.Itwasmygrandmother’sencouragementthatrevivedfrommypassiveattitudetobecomeconfidentinmyself.Shesaid“Mydear,ifyoucan’tchangeyoufigure,whynottreatitasyourownstyle.SoIbegantocautiouslyemploythenewwayofthinking.Bychoosingtochangemyoutlookonlife,IdevelopedtheconfidencetomakeadifferenceandfinallyIfoundatotallynewworld.Somydearfriend,iffaith,hope,love,enduranceareaddedtoyourlife,youwillfindtheconfidencetoconqueryourlimitationandembracenewchallenges.Andhopefullywithmyspeechincluded,youwillhaveafantasticspeechcontest.

篇3：简短名人英语演讲稿

Smiling

Ithinksmilingisasimportantassunshine.Smilingislikesunshinebecauseitcanmakepeoplehappyandhaveagoodday.Ifyouaren?thappy,youcansmile,andthenyouwillfeelhappy.Someonemaysay,“ButIdon?tfeelhappy.”ThenIwouldsay,“Pleasesmileasyoudowhenyouarehappyorplaywithyourfriendshappily.Youwillreallybehappyagain.”

Smilingcanletyouhavemorefriends.SoIsay,smilingislikeaflower.Itwillgiveyouhappiness.

篇4：简短名人英语演讲稿

Howevermeanyourlifeis,meetitandliveit;donotshunitandcallithardnames.Itisnotsobadasyouare.Itlookspoorestwhenyouarerichest.Thefaultfinderwillfindfaultsinparadise.Loveyourlife,poorasitis.Youmayperhapshavesomepleasant,thrilling,glorioushours,eveninapoorhouse.Thesettingsunisreflectedfromthewindowsofthealms-houseasbrightlyasfromtherichman'sabode;thesnowmeltsbeforeitsdoorasearlyinthespring.Idonotseebutaquietmindmayliveas

contentedlythere,andhaveascheeringthoughts,asinapalace.Thetown'spoorseemtomeoftentolivethemostindependentlivesofany.Maybetheyaresimplygreatenoughtoreceivewithout

misgiving.Mostthinkthattheyareabovebeingsupportedbythetown;butitoftenhappensthattheyarenotabovesupportingthemselvesbydishonestmeans.Whichshouldbemoredisreputable.Cultivatepovertylikeagardenherb,likesage.Donottroubleyourselfmuchtogetnewthings,whetherclothesorfriends,Turntheold,returntothem.Thingsdonotchange;wechange.Sellyourclothesandkeepyourthoughts.

[简短名人英语演讲稿]

篇5：名人英语演讲稿

1. Steve Jobs

史蒂芬·乔布斯CEO of Apple Computers 苹果电脑CEOStanford University 斯坦福大学June 12,

6月12日Remembering that you are going to die is the best way I know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. You are already naked. There is no reason not to follow your heart.Your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. Don't be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people's thinking. Don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. And most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. They somehow already know what you truly want to become. Everything else is secondary，

记着你总会死去，这是我知道的防止患得患失的最佳办法。赤条条来去无牵挂，还有什么理由不随你的心?!你的时间是有限的，因此不要把时间浪费在过别人的生活上。不要被教条所困——使自己的生活受限于他人的思想成果。不要让他人的意见淹没了你自己内心的声音。最重要的是，要有勇气跟随你的内心与直觉，它们好歹已经知道你真正想让自己成为什么。其他的，都是次要的。

2. David Foster Wallace

Novelist 小说家Kenyon College 肯尼恩学院May 21, 2005

205月21日There are these two young fish swimming along and they happen to meet an older fish swimming the other way, who nods at them and says, “Morning, boys. How's the water?” And the two young fish swim on for a bit, and then eventually one of them looks over at the other and goes, “What the hell is water?”... simple awareness; awareness of what is so real and essential, so hidden in plain sight all around us, all the time, that we have to keep reminding ourselves over and over:“This is water。”“This is water。”It is unimaginably hard to do this, to stay conscious and alive in the adult world day in and day out。

有两条小鱼一起在水里游，碰到一条老鱼迎面游过来。老鱼向他们点点头，并说：“早上好，孩子们。水怎么样?”这两条小鱼继续往前游了一会儿后，其中一条小鱼实在忍不住了，看了一下另一条小鱼，问道：“水到底是什么东西?”……简单的意识;对我们生活中如此真实、如此必不可少、无处不在、无时不在的事物的`意识，需要我们一遍一遍地提醒自己：“这是水，

”“这是水。”天天都保持意识清醒而鲜活，在成人世界中做到这点，是不可想象地难。

3. Michael Uslan

迈克尔·奥斯兰Movie Producer 电影制片人Indiana University 印第安纳大学May 06,

5月6日You must believe in yourself and in your work. When our first Batman movie broke all those box-office records, I received a phone call from that United Artists exec who, years before, had told me I was out of my mind. Now he said, “Michael, I'm just calling to congratulate you on the success of Batman. I always said you were a visionary。” You see the point here — don't believe them when they tell you how bad you are or how terrible your ideas are, but also, don't believe them when they tell you how wonderful you are and how great your ideas are. Just believe in yourself and you'll do just fine. And, oh yes, don't then forget to market yourself and your ideas. Use both sides of your brain.You must have a high threshold for frustration. Take it from the guy who was turned down by every studio in Hollywood. You must knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. Doors will slam in your face. You must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. It's the only way to achieve your goals in life。

你必须相信你自己，对自己的工作充满信心。当我们的第一部电影《蝙蝠侠》创下史无前例的票房纪录时，我接到了艺术家联合会会长的电话，他在数年之前曾说我疯了。如今他说：“迈克尔，我给你打电话祝贺《蝙蝠侠》的成功。我总说你是一位有远见的人。”你看，关键在这里，当他们说你有多差，你的想法有多糟的时候，不要信他们的话，同时，当他们告诉你你有多么了不起，你的想法多美妙时，也不要相信他们。你就只相信你自己，这样你就能做好。还有，那就是，不要忘记推销你自己和你的想法。左右大脑你都得用。要能经受得住挫败。这是被好莱坞每一家制片厂拒绝过的人的经验。你必须去敲一扇扇的门，直到指关节流血。大门会在你面前砰然关上，你必须重振旗鼓，弹去身上的灰尘，再敲下一扇门。这是实现你人生目标的唯一办法。

4. Woody Hayes

伍迪·海耶斯College Fooball Coach 大学橄榄球教练Ohio State University 俄亥俄州立大学May 14, 1986

1986年5月14日In football we always said that the other team couldn't beat us. We had to be sure that we didn't beat ourselves. And that’s what people have to do, too — make sure they don't beat themselves.... you'll find out that nothing that comes easy is worth a dime. As a matter of fact, I never saw a football player make a tackle with a smile on his face. Never。

在橄榄球场上，我们总是说其他队战胜不了我们。我们必须做到不把自己打垮。所有人也都必须这么做，确保自己不要被自己打垮。……你会发现，来得容易的东西总是一文不值。事实上，我从来没有看到哪位橄榄球运动员是带着微笑完成阻截的。从来没有。

篇6：名人演讲稿英语

Dare to compete.

Dare to care.

Dare to dream.

Dare to love.

Practice the art of making possible.

And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

It is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at Yale, especially on the occasion of the 300th anniversary.

I have had so many memories of my time here, and as Nick was speaking I thought about how I ended up at Yale Law School.

And it tells a little bit about how much progress we’ve made.

What I think most about when I think of Yale is not just the politically charged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that I received.

It was at Yale that I began work that has been at the core of what I have cared about ever since.

I began working with New Haven legal services representing children.

And I studied child development, abuse and neglect at the Yale New Haven Hospital and the Child Study Center.

I was lucky enough to receive a civil rights internship with Marian Wright Edelman at the Children’s Defense Fund, where I went to work after I graduated.

Those experiences fueled in me a passion to work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.

Now, looking back, there is no way that I could have predicted what path my life would have taken.

I didn’t sit around the law school, saying, well, you know, I think I’ll graduate and then I’ll go to work at the Children’s Defense Fund, and then the impeachment inquiry, and Nixon retired or resigns, I’ll go to Arkansas.

I didn’t think like that.

I was taking each day at a time.

But, I’ve been very fortunate because I’ve always had an idea in my mind about what I thought was important and what gave my life meaning and purpose.

A set of values and beliefs that have helped me navigate the shoals, the sometimes very treacherous sea, to illuminate my own true desires, despite that others say about what l should care about and believe in.

A passion to succeed at what l thought was important and children have always provided that lone star, that guiding light.

Because l have that absolute conviction that every child, especially in this, the most blessed of nations that has ever existed on the face of earth, that every child deserves the opportunity to live up to his or her God-given potential.

But you know that belief and conviction-it may make for a personal mission statement, but standing alone, not translated into action, it means very little to anyone else, particularly to those for whom you have those concerns.

When I was thinking about running for the United States Senate-which was such an enormous decision to make, one I never could have dreamed that I would have been making when I was here on campus-I visited a school in New York City and I met a young woman, who was a star athlete.

I was there because of Billy Jean King promoting an HBO special about women in sports called “Dare to compete.” It was about Title IX and how we finally, thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women in sports.

And although I played not very well at intramural sports, I have always been a strong supporter of women in sports.

And I was introduced by this young woman, and as I went to shake her hand she obviously had been reading the newspapers about people saying I should or shouldn’t run for the Senate.

And I was congratulating her on the speech she had just made and she held onto my hand and she said, “Dare to compete, Mrs.Clinton.Dare to compete.”

I took that to heart because it is hard to compete sometimes, especially in public ways, when your failures are there for everyone to see and you don’t know what is going to happen from one day to the next.

And yet so much of life, whether we like to accept it or not, is competing with ourselves to be the best we can be, being involved in classes or professions or just life, where we know we are competing with others.

I took her advice and I did compete because I chose to do so.

And the biggest choices that you’ll face in your life will be yours alone to make.

I’m sure you’ll receive good advice.

You’re got a great education to go back and reflect about what is right for you, but you eventually will have to choose and I hope that you will dare to compete.

And by that I don’t mean the kind of cutthroat competition that is too often characterized by what is driving America today.

I mean the small voice inside you that says to you, you can do it, you can take this risk, you can take this next step.

And it doesn’t mean that once having made that choice you will always succeed.

In fact, you won’t.

There are setbacks and you will experience difficult disappointments.

You will be slowed down and sometimes the breath will just be knocked out of you.

But if you carry with you the values and beliefs that you can make a difference in your own life, first and foremost, and then in the lives of others.

You can get back up, you can keep going.

But it is also important, as I have found, not to take yourself too seriously, because after all, every one of us here today, none of us is deserving of full credit.

I think every day of the blessings my birth gave me without any doing of my own.

I chose neither my family nor my country, but they as much as anything I’ve ever done, determined my course.

You compare my or your circumstances with those of the majority of people who’ve ever lived or who are living right now, they too often are born knowing too well what their futures will be.

They lack the freedom to choose their life’s path.

They’re imprisoned by circumstances of poverty and ignorance, bigotry, disease, hunger, oppression and war.

So, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care.

Dare to care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own lives.

There are so many out there and sometimes all it takes is the simplest of gestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already.

I know that the numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in community organizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religious activities.

You have been there trying to serve because you have believed both that it was the right thing to do and because it gave something back to you.

You have dared to care.

Well, dare to care to fight for equal justice for all, for equal pay for women, against hate crimes and bigotry.

Dare to care about public schools without qualified teachers or adequate resources.

Dare to care about protecting our environment.

Dare to care about the 10 million children in our country who lack health insurance.

Dare to care about the one and a half million children who have a parent in jail.

The seven million people who suffer from HIV/AIDS.

And thank you for caring enough to demand that our nation do more to help those that are suffering throughout this world with HIV/AIDS, to prevent this pandemic from spreading even further.

And I’ll also add, dare enough to care about our political process.

You know, as I go and speak with students I’m impressed so much, not only in formal settings, on campuses, but with my daughter and her friends, about how much you care, about how willing you are to volunteer and serve.

You may have missed the last wave of the dot.

com revolution, but you’ve understood that the dot.

community revolution is there for you every single day.

And you’ve been willing to be part of remarking lives in our community.

And yet, there is a real resistance, a turning away from the political process.

I hope that some of you will be public servants and will even run for office yourself, not to win a position to make and impression on your friends at your 20th reunion, but because you understand how important it is for each of us as citizens to make a commitment to our democracy.

Your generation, the first one born after the social upheavals of the 60’s and 70’s, in the midst of the technological advances of the 80’s and 90’s, are inheriting an economy, a society and a government that has yet to understand fully, or even come to grips with, our rapidly changing world.

And so bring your values and experiences and insights into politics.

Dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics.

Some have called you the generation of choice.

You’ve been raised with multiple choice tests, multiple channels, multiple websites and multiple lifestyles.

You’ve grown up choosing among alternatives that were either not imagined, created or available to people in prior generations.

You’ve been invested with far more personal power to customize your life, to make more free choices about how to live than was ever thought possible.

And I think as I look at all the surveys and research that is done, your choices reflect not only freedom, but personal responsibility.

The social indicators, not the headlines, the social indicators tell a positive story: drug use and cheating and arrests being down, been pregnancy and suicides, drunk driving deaths being down.

Community service and religious involvement being up.

But if you look at the area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far more troubling tale.

Many of you I know believe that service and community volunteerism is a better way of solving the issues facing our country than political engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiples or choose them all-government either can’t understand or won’t make the right choices because of political pressures, inefficiency, incompetence or big money influence.

Well, I admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feeling disconnected and alienated.

But at bottom, that’s a personal cop-out and a national peril.

Political conditions maximize the conditions for individual opportunity and responsibility as well as community.

Americorps and the Peace Corps exist because of political decisions.

Our air, water, land and food will be clean and safe because of political choices.

Our ability to cure disease or log onto the Internet have been advanced because of politically determined investments.

Ethnic cleansing in Kosovo ended because of political leadership.

Your parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built and subsidized transportation systems.

Many used GI Bills or government loans, as I did, to attend college.

Now, I could, as you might guess, go on and on, but the point is to remind us all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim.

And, as stakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice to participate.

It is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularly now.

There’s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights, to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.

It is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it’s a silent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see every day, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.

But as many have said before and as Vaclav Havel has said to memorably, “It cannot suffice just to invent new machines, new regulations and new institutions.It is necessary to understand differently and more perfectly the true purpose of our existence on this Earth and of our deeds.” And I think we are called on to reject, in this time of blessings that we enjoy, those who will tear us apart and tear us down and instead to liberate our God-given spirit, by being willing to dare to dream of a better world.

During my campaign, when times were tough and days were long I used to think about the example of Harriet Tubman, a heroic New Yorker, a 19th century Moses, who risked her life to bring hundreds of slaves to freedom.

She would say to those who she gathered up in the South where she kept going back year after year from the safety of Auburn, New York, that no matter what happens, they had to keep going.

If they heard shouts behind them, they had to keep going.

If they heard gunfire or dogs, they had to keep going to freedom.

Well, those aren’t the risks we face.

It is more the silence and apathy and indifference that dogs our heels.

Thirty-two years ago, I spoke at my own graduation from Wellesley, where I did call on my fellow classmates to reject the notion of limitations on our ability to effect change and instead to embrace the idea that the goal of education should be human liberation and the freedom to practice with all the skill of our being the art of making possible.

For after all, our fate is to be free.

To choose competition over apathy, caring over indifference, vision over myopia, and love over hate.

Just as this is a special time in your lives, it is for me as well because my daughter will be graduating in four weeks, graduating also from a wonderful place with a great education and beginning a new life.

And as I think about all the parents and grandparents who are out there, I have a sense of what their feeling.

Their hearts are leaping with joy, but it’s hard to keep tears in check because the presence of our children at a time and place such as this is really a fulfillment of our own American dreams.

Well, I applaud you and all of your love, commitment and hard work, just as I applaud your daughters and sons for theirs.

And I leave these graduates with the same message I hope to leave with my graduate.

Dare to compete.

Dare to care.

Dare to dream.

Dare to love.

Practice the art of making possible.

And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

Thank you and God bless you all.

篇7：名人英语演讲稿

As Americans gather to celebrate this week, we show our gratitude for the many blessings in our lives. We are grateful for our friends and families who fill our lives with purpose and love. We're grateful for our beautiful country, and for the prosperity we enjoy. We're grateful for the chance to live, work and worship in freedom. And in this Thanksgiving week, we offer thanks and praise to the provider of all these gifts, Almighty God.

We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeleshelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

The Thanksgiving tradition of compassion and humility dates back to the earliest days of our society. And through the years, our deepest gratitude has often been inspired by the most difficult times. Almost four centuries ago, the pilgrims set aside time to thank God after suffering through a bitter winter. George Washington held Thanksgiving during a trying stay at Valley Forge. And President Lincoln revived the Thanksgiving tradition in the midst of a civil war.

The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from acrothe country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

The greatest challenges of our time have come to the men and women who protect our nation. We're fortunate to have dedicated firefighters and police officers to keep our streets safe. We're grateful for the homeland security and intelligence personnel who spend long hours on faithful watch. And we give thanks to the men and women of our military who are serving with courage and skill, and ma-ki-ng our entire nation proud.

Like generations before them, today's armed forces have liberated captive peoples and shown compassion for the suffering and delivered hope to the oppressed. In the past year, they have fought the terrorists abroad so that we do not have to face those enemies here at home. They've captured a brutal dictator, aided last month's historic election in Afghanistan, and help set Iraq on the path to democracy.

Our progrein the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible lothis Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to expretheir own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

Thanksgiving reminds us that America's true strength is the compassion and decency of our people. I thank all those who volunteer this season, and Laura and I wish every American a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

Thank you for listening.

篇8：名人英语演讲稿

My fellow citizens:

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America — they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted — for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things — some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions — that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act — not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions — who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them — that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works — whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. Those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account — to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day — because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control — and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart — not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort — even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus — and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West — know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment — a moment that will define a generation — it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends — hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism — these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility — a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence — the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed — why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it).”

America, in the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

篇9：名人英语演讲稿

this election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. but one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who casther ballot in atlanta. she's a lot like the millions of others whostood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for onething: ann nixon cooper is 106 yearsold.

这次选举有许多优势，许多故事，会被告知几代人。但是，这在我脑海今晚的约一个女人谁投她的选票在亚特兰大。她就像数以百万计的其他人谁站在线，使他们的声音在这次选举中除一件事：尼克松安库珀是106岁。

she was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons-- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.

她出生的一代刚刚过去的奴役;当时有没有汽车在道路上或飞机在天空中;当有人能像她一样不参加表决的原因有两个-因为她是一名女子，由于她的颜色皮肤。

and tonight, i think about all that she's seen throughout her century in america -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that american creed: yes we can.

今晚，我想所有的，她在整个看到她在美国的世纪-在心痛和希望;的斗争和取得的;的时候，我们被告知，我们不能，和人民谁压上与美国的信条：是我们能够做到。

at a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. yes we can.

当时妇女的'声音被压制和他们的希望被驳回，她活着看到他们站起来，说出并达成的选票。是我们能够做到。

when there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a new deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. yes we can.

当有绝望中的尘埃和抑郁一碗全国的土地，她看到一个民族征服恐惧本身的新政，新的就业机会，一个新的共同使命感。是我们能够做到。

when the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. yes we can.

当炸弹落在我们的港口和***威胁世界，她在那里目睹了一代产生的伟大和***是保存。是我们能够做到。

she was there for the buses in montgomery, the hoses in birmingham, a bridge in selma, and a preacher from atlanta who told a people that “we shall overcome.” yes we can.

她在那里的巴士蒙哥马利，软管在英国伯明翰，桥梁塞尔玛和传教士从亚特兰大谁告诉人民，“我们克服。 ”是我们能够做到。

a man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.

一名男子降落在月球上，墙上下来在柏林，世界是连接我们自己的科学和想象力。

and this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in america, through the best oftimes and the darkest of hours, she knows how america can change.

今年，在这次选举中，她谈到她的手指到屏幕上，她和演员投票，因为1XX年后，在美国，通过最好的时候和最黑暗的时间，她知道怎样可以改变美国。

yes we can.是我们能够做到。

america, we have come so far. we have seen so much. but there is so much more to do. so tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live tosee the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as ann nixon cooper, what change will they see? what progress will we have made?

美国，我们来到迄今。我们已经看到这么多。但有这么多事情要做。因此，今夜，让我们反问一下我们自己，如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我的女儿能够幸运地活得像安-尼克森-库珀那样长，他们将会看到什么样的变化？我们那时将会取得什么样的进步？

this is our chance to answer that call. this is our moment.

这是我们来回答问题的机会，这是我们的时刻。

this is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the american dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope.and where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: yes, we can.

这是我们的时代，要使我们的人民重新工作并将机会留给我们的子孙；重新恢复繁荣并促进和平；回归我们的美国梦想并重申一个基本事实--在众人之中，我们也是其中一个；当我们呼吸，当我们充满希望的时候，我们遭遇冷嘲热讽和质疑，那些人认为我们无法做到。我们将用一句话来做出回应：不，我们可以！

篇10：经典名人英语演讲稿

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.

So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pauntil there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.

篇11：经典名人英语演讲稿

We also recognize our duty to share our blessings with the least among us. Throughout the holiday season, schools, churches, synagogues and other generous organizations gather food and clothing for their neighbors in need. Many young people give part of their holiday to volunteer at homeless shelters or food pantries. On Thanksgiving, and on every day of the year, America is a more hopeful nation because of the volunteers who serve the weak and the vulnerable.

The past year has brought many challenges to our nation, and Americans have met every one with energy, optimism and faith. After lifting our economy from a recession, manufacturers and entrepreneurs are creating jobs again. Volunteers from across the country came together to help hurricane victims rebuild. And when the children of Beslan, Russia suffered a brutal terrorist attack, the world saw America's generous heart in an outpouring of compassion and relief.

Our progress in the war on terror has made our country safer, yet it has also brought new burdens to our military families. Many servicemen and women have endured long deployments and painful separations from home. Families have faced the challenge of raising children while praying for a loved one's safe return. America is grateful to all our military families, and the families mourning a terrible loss this Thanksgiving can know that America will honor their sacrifices forever.

As Commander-in-Chief, I've been honored to thank our troops at bases around the world, and I've been inspired by the efforts of private citizens to express their own gratitude. This month, I met Shauna Fleming, a 15-year-old from California who coordinated the mailing of a million thank you letters to military personnel. In October, I met Ken Porwoll, a World War II veteran who has devoted years of his retirement to volunteering at a VA medical center in Minneapolis. And we've seen the generosity of so many organizations, like Give2theTroops, a group started in a basement by a mother and son that has sent thousands of care packages to troops in the field.

Thank you for listening.

篇12：关于名人英语演讲稿有哪些

1.你为人正直诚恳，尊敬老师，团结同学，关心班集体，待人有礼，能认真听从老师的教导，自觉遵守学校的各项规章制度。希望你今后在学习上能充分发挥自己的聪明才智，努力把自己塑造成德智体全面发展的好学生。

2.你尊敬老师团结同学关心班集体，待人有礼，希望你今后多读书勤思考，把你的聪明才智发挥出来，有那么多的好老师用心教你，只要你能坚持不懈地努力学习，你的成绩一定会提高，我会满怀信心地等着这一天的。

3.你是个腼腆斯文的小男孩。没少见你赶往学校的步履匆匆，也没少见你埋头苦学的小小身影，虽然我知道你在习惯上还有一个小小的遗憾，可是只有输的起的人才会赢得真正的人生，把握自己，我想你一定能做一个更出色的人。

4.善良的孩子最让人欣赏，恰好你就是;乐观的孩子最若惹人喜爱，恰好你也是;重感情的孩子最值得称赞，恰好还是你。课堂上，你总是专心致志，从你专注的眼神中，老师看到了你的自信，也看到你成绩的进步。

5.你以乐观的态度面对人生，而这正是一个人成功的重要保证。我想目前的成绩滞后一定是暂时的，因为从你的眼神中我很清晰地看得出你固有的上进心。每一个挫折只不过是生命中的一段小插曲哦!

6.你头脑聪明，但你没有充分利用，你的精力较分散，花在学习上的精力不多。不过，有时对自己要求不够严格，自习课上的纪律性有待提高。希望今后多向优秀的同学学习，取长补短，相信经过努力，一定会取得更大的进步。

7.你是个文静秀气漂亮的小女生，你能脚踏实地学习，但是你也要知道学习还要讲究方法技巧。学习上有不懂的问题，不要羞于开口，要多问，多思考，多练习。老师相信：只要你努力不懈，终有一天会到达成功的彼岸!

8.你关心集体，毋庸置疑，敢作敢当，也有目共睹。你的表现可圈可点，希望你在今后更注重基础知识的学习与训练，加强能力的培养，做一个全面发展的好学生!继续努力吧!我深深地为你祝福!

9.你是一个上进心强，自尊心也很强，聪明而且心地善良的女孩。你有一颗纯真的心，能与同学友爱相处。但有时在你遇到挫折时候，缺乏克服困难的信心，只能付之眼泪。你要知道在通往知识的顶峰的路上长满了荆棘，望你克服困难，勇往直前!

10.踏实与诚实是你成绩突飞猛进的重要保证，你的学习品质和为人处世用不着怀疑，你善于利用时间，学习效率较高也得到了同学的肯定。最后再送你一句话：学无止境，半点的骄傲都会给你致命的一击!

11.你是个可爱的女孩，踏实稳重有礼貌;在班里并不显眼，却时刻起着模范带头作用，给同学们作出表率。能遵守学校纪律，按时上学，老师相信：只要你信心不倒，努力不懈，终有一天会到达成功的彼岸!

12.你待人随和诚恳，同学关系好，热爱集体，能认真完成老师布置的作业。同时你也很孝顺，是个很不错的男孩，希望你能在学习上更进一步。同时老师祝福你今后能一生平安永远幸福!

13.即使你有时对有些事表现得有些蛮不在乎，但总难以掩饰你那颗火热的求知之心。聪明是上天赋予你的宝贵财富，但没有后天的努力，要想成就一番事业恐怕也只能是镜中之花水中之月。

14.你很有上进心，能严格遵守学校纪律，有较强的集体荣誉感。各科基础知识比较扎实。学习目的明确，态度端正，成绩一直保持优秀。记忆力好，自学能力较强。希望你能把握日历的每一页，奏响人生最强最美的乐章。

15.你面目五官清清秀秀，言谈举止斯斯文文。老师每次批改你那干净整洁字迹又漂亮的作业本。学习目的明确，自学能力较强，成绩一直保持优秀。亲爱的朋友，记住喽，进步的唯一方法就是比别人更努力。

16.你是个踏实稳重有礼貌;能遵守学校纪律，按时上学，你学习较勤奋，课堂上那双求知的大眼睛总能把老师深深地感动!老师相信：只要你信心不倒，努力不懈，终有一天会到达成功的彼岸!

17.和上学期比你有了很大的进步，或许，前进的路上你已初尝败绩，可喜的是，你已幡然醒悟正在加倍补偿。衷心希望以后的你，能扬鞭奋起勇超他人。你要清楚：进步的唯一方法就是比别人更努力。

18.你性格内向，平时沉默寡言，不爱说话。期待着有一天，你能意识到自己的责任和义务，树立起积极的人生目标，并朝此目标奋起直追，老师将为你感到高兴。只要追求，就永远不会遗憾。

19.人缘好，很好胜的阳光男孩。学习上认真与执著的你给老师留下深刻的印象;劳动中埋头苦干的你令老师很欣赏。如果你能一如既往的走下去，将会是老师家人同学的骄傲!要知道，命运的纤绳将永远掌握在自己手中!

20.你喜欢简单，但思想比较复杂，有主见，思维也很活跃，但忽冷忽热不想钻研使你的成绩总是起色不大，你并非不是学习的好料，望你克服困难，勇往直前!

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: “a time comes when silence is betrayal.” and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their governments policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nations history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: “why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?” “why are you joining the voices of dissent?” “peace and civil rights dont mix,” they say. “arent you hurting the cause of your people,” they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasnt using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, “arent you a civil rights leader?” and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: “to save the soul of america.” we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if americas soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for “the brotherhood of man.” this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why im speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?

and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nations self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls “enemy,” for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diems methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nations only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call “fortified hamlets.” the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call “vc” or “communists”? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of “aggression from the north” as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemys point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called “enemy,” i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

(unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nations role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing “clergy and laymen concerned” committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, “those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on lifes roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on lifes highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, “this is not just.” it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, “this is not just.” the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, “this way of settling differences is not just.” this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nations homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.

it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when “every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain.”

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond ones tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: “let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god. he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love.” “if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us.” let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. as arnold toynbee says: “love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word” (unquote).

we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs. we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, “too late.” there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. omar khayyam is right: “the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on.”

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action. we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

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篇13：一分钟名人英语演讲稿

My Favorite Color

Blue has always been my favorite color, and I think it will always continue to be so.

I have several reasons for liking this color best. First, it is a very soothing color and makes people happy. How do people feel when they wake up to day when the sky is a dirty grey? Sad and gloomy. But when the sky is a deep blue, good cheer and joy enters our hearts.

Another reason why I am most partial to blue is that it is the color of oceans and rivers and lakes on a sunny day. Whenever I go swimming, I feel as though I were reborn.

In my estimation, blue is a very refined a noble color. I have several suits of clothes of different colors, but somehow blue seems to be most becoming to me. At the same time, all my friends say that I tend to look slim and taller whenever I’m dressed in blue.

I have also heard that in English, the term “true blue” means to be faithful. As I have a great respect for the quality of faithfulness, this is one more reason for my liking blue so much.

篇14：一分钟名人英语演讲稿

Everyone is attracted by beauty and beauty is powerful. But what is true beauty? Perhaps you can get the answer from the following story.

This morning I went to the market to buy some vegetables with my parents. On the way we all highly praised a young man in western-style clothes and leather shoes who was riding by. But he rode so fast that he knocked an old lady down carelessly.Instead of stopping, he pretended not to see this and rode away quickly. We were all very angry with the young man. To our happiness, a girl in plain dress ran forward at once, helped the lady up and took her home. We all praised the girl.

From this we know we cannot judge a person by his appearance. A person who is dressed beautifully may not have a beautiful soul. Only a person who has a beautiful soul is really beautiful.

[一分钟名人英语演讲稿]

篇15：英语名人2分钟演讲稿

how do you master your youth?youthyouth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshne; it is the freshneof the deep springs of life .youth means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite, for adventure over the love of ease. ts often exists in a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . nobody grows old merely by a number of years. we grow old by deserting our ideals.years wrinkle the skin, but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul. worry, fear, self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust.whether 60 of 16, there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing cldlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . in the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wirelestation: so long as it receives messages of beauty, hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .when the aerials are down, and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.thank you!